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Ivy Hahnel
Who can say in what precise locale, and at what exact hour and date this ‘Intercontinental Encounter for Humanity and Against Neoliberalism’ began? We don’t know. But we do know who initiated it. All the rebels around the world started it. Here, we are only a small part of those rebels, it’s true. But to all the diverse fences that all the rebels of the world break every day, you have added one more rupture, that of the fence around the Zapatista R/reality. Subcommandante Insurgenete Marcos
The Zapatista’s original call to the Intercontinental Encounter provided the following interpretation of Neoliberalism: “During the last years the Power of Money has presented a new mask over its criminal face. Disregarding borders, with no importance given to races or colors, the Power of Money humiliates dignities, insults honesty’s and assassinates hopes. Re-named as Neoliberalism, the historic crime in the concentration of privileges, wealth and impunities, democratizes misery and hopelessness. Each country, each city, each rural area, each house, each person, everything is a large or small battleground. On the one side is neoliberalism with all its repressive power and all its machinery of death; on the other side is the human being.”
The extraordinary diversity of the participants, and of the discussions inside each ‘Round Table’, was neither coincidental nor unexpected but reflected a profound belief in the power of diversity. This is who the Zapata movement invited to participate:
“To all who struggle for human values of democracy, liberty and justice.”
“To all who force themselves to resist the world crime known as ‘Neoliberalism’ and aim for humanity and hope to be better, be synonymous of future.
“To all individuals, groups, collectives, movements, social, civic and political organizations, neighborhood associations, cooperatives, all the lefts known and to be known; non-governmental organizations, groups in solidarity with struggles of the world people, bands, tribes, intellectuals, indigenous people, students, musicians, workers, artists, teachers, peasants, cultural groups, youth movements, alternative communication media, ecologists, tenants, lesbians, homosexuals, feminists, pacifists.”
“To all human beings without a home, without land, without work, without food, without health, without education, without freedom, without justice, without independence, without democracy, without peace, without tomorrow.’
“To all who, with no matter to colors, race or borders, make of hope a weapon and a shield.”
“The levels of poverty and lack of basic development is visually present in every aspect of life in Chiapas. The call for jobs, housing, education, health, peace and liberty came from the millions who do not have a voice - the same millions that much of the left has lost sight of as they argue their chaos theories and their own processes” This comment by a Zapatista woman summed up why this Intercontinental was called.
The Zapatista rebellion is best known for its armed seizure of four major southeastern Mexican cities on the first day of the North American Free Trade Agreement, January 1, 1994. The international delegates found that the insurrection reaches far beyond government confrontations or personal relations. As Major Ana Maria explained to one U.S. activist, “I sometimes laugh when people get emotional about our weapons. I’ll tell you something really emotional … the day we finally convinced the people in the villages about the importance of boiling the water they drink and cook with … that was hard work … it took such a long time.” There are two fronts that the Zapatistas have done mass educating around. First, is the raising the level of consciousness and the understanding of how the Chiapas Indigenous are part of an international schemata (i.e. this is a large world after all). Second, are the personal changes that have/are occurring amongst the Indigenous men and women. Much of this can be attributed to the new collective and feminist consciousness that the Zapatistas are promoting through example and discussion. The logistics of transporting thousands of people from one location to another, feeding them in sanitary conditions so illness did not occur, the creative structures that housed most of the delegates, the meetings and the planning for the smooth transition of political to social was an incredible testimony to the cooperation and internal organization of the Zapatistas.
Our collective met in the Mexico City Airport – most of us were from San Diego, but two were from the DC metropolitan area. We quickly boarded a plane for Textla Gutierrez, the capital of Chiapas. As we exited the plane onto a small runway to head into the terminal, it felt like guns were pointed at us from all directions. The military had made their camps right at the air strip. They were visibly standing guard (with rifles pointed at those debarking), mulling around, and even doing recreational activities in the areas where they had pitched tents. We gathered our belongings and began our hour and half ride by taxi caravan to San Cristobal, a charming old colonial city - with cobblestone streets and everything! The graffiti let us know that this was/is a stronghold of the Zapatista. We were caravaned by bus (about 2,000) from San Cristobal to Oventec - where those lucky enough slept inside shelters and others pitched tents - in what turned out to eventually be heavy rains and ankle deep slippery mud. That evening we were divided into five “Round Tables” that would meet in five different locations of Chiapas to have political discussions. We met again as a large body four days later when we reconvened in La Realidad with the Zapatista Commandantes for the final presentations of what went on in each Encuentro and to hear what Marcos was going to expand upon.
Each Round Table was supposed to have its own theme, but most everyone discussed the same basic themes. The Round Tables took place in the following areas:
Oventic, Zapatista built city in the Tzotzil speaking highlands where clouds appear or disappear at a whim as do bitter cold winds. There is a grinding indigenous poverty of landlessness. The encounter began in this rebel city/convention center just 45 minutes from the major metropolis of San Cristóbal de las Casas. After thousands left by bus for their respective round tables, the remaining delegates investigated civil society and struggled with the question, “Is there a society that is not civil? Roberto Barrios, Chol community, in a muggy jungle climate near the famous Mayan ruins known as Palenque. Repression of popular organizations in this area has traditionally been intense. At this round table indigenous realities were explored under the theme “Many worlds fit in this world”. Morelia, located far away in a jungle climate is populated by Tzeltal people. “All cultures for everyone, And the means? From Graffiti to Cyberspace” was hosted by Commandantes Magadalena and Salvador, both of whom always wear traditional clothing. This round table was well attended by artists and featured a special stage for “the beautiful sounds and expressions of the planet” including a booth “for the reception and demonstration of languages. All of the languages of the world. The liberation of Babel.” This is a major topic for peoples that are working as a united front and yet speak twenty five distinctive languages. La Garrucha, municipality of Francisco Gomez (formerly Ocosingo), where dozens of Zapatistas died during the first days of the insurrection. “The Economic Question. Histories of Horror” drew a large number of academics from all over the world. Neoliberalism and its effects on the world revolution were debated La Realidad, deep in the Lacondon Jungle, a small community of mixed heritage whose Zapatista name (reality) sparks endless word plays regarding what is and is not real in the late 20th century. This always hosted a discussion of politics, “What politics do we have and what politics do we need?”
Masked eyes of commandantes watched from early morning to late night, their eyes respected the readings of hundreds of position papers, while encouraging the thousands of responses and debates that echoed back and forth in dozens of languages. Other Indigenous eyes guarded the perimeters and surrounding hills of each Aguas Calientes; while others oversaw the open fire cooking of food for the assembled thousands without the use of refrigeration or city water, the maintaining of latrines and shower facilities, the sound and electrical system. At night, after sitting through the left analysis of the unions, proletariat, etc. we would all come together to dance. . From near and far performers took the stage celebrating extraordinary cultural diversity and beauty! “We only wear our ‘paliacates’ (red bandannas) at these gatherings,” explained the dark eyed, young Totsil woman from Zinacantan. “We’re all Zapatistas here and anyway there’s plenty of protection.” The no alcohol or drug policy of the EZLN and the quiet presence of PZ (Policia Zapatista), create an environment where Indigenous women and girls, discretely hidden behind red Zapatista veils, can shatter repressive social norms and dance freely .
Days were spent reading and discussing presentations from around the world; listening to responses, examining proposals and counterproposals. It took patience and tolerance, but in the end many points of agreement were found; many commonalities uncovered. After closing ceremonies in each round table, the participants from every round table traveled to (R)reality for the final two days of the encounter, where once again we found ourselves ankle deep in ubiquitous mud. Leftists, revolutionaries, visionaries, activists, intellects were all sitting on small folding chairs under a blazing tropical sun, in an amphitheater constructed with the machetes of Mayan insurgents. Thousands were listening in hushed silence as the masked “Subcommandante Insurgente Marcos” summarized our week long International Conference.
The words of individual Zapatista rebels, spoken in heavily accented Spanish or translated from one of the five indigenous languages of the EZLN, summarized immediate realities. “I speak the voice of the mountains to those who have traveled from the five continents of the world,” stated Major Ana Maria to three thousand delegates from 45 countries who were seated amongst the indigenous of Chiapas. “There are thousands of different paths present … Welcome to a small corner of the world where everyone is equal.” Equality was a difficult reality for many delegates to experience. “We must listen to everyone; our strength is in our diversity. Please share with us your opinions and your experiences,” was the repeated message. By word and action, leading Zapatista invoked tolerance and respect for the myriad and voluminous, perceptions of reality offered by delegates.
Confronting our own (R)realidid (translation: reality), was energizing. The physical endurance of the jungle, was processed in different ways by different people, but all felt the hardships of Chiapas. Delegates representing 45 countries knew the Maya have a long history of constructing impossible structures and contemplating definitions of reality. Most suspected the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) had a new perspective to share, and a week in the mountains and rain forests of Chiapas confirmed contemporary Maya persist in stretching the limits of human understanding.
“But what next?” Marcos asked in his final address. “A new number in the useless enumeration of the numerous international orders? A new scheme that calms and alleviates the anguish of a lack of recipes? A global program for world revolution? A theorization of Utopia so that it can continue to maintain a prudent distance from the reality that anguishes us? An “organigram” that assures all of us a position, a task, a title, and no work?”
Against the traditional absurdities of the left, the Maya propose to construct global towers of resistance and communication. They propose building a global network of all opposed to neoliberalism. This activist network “is not an organizing structure; it doesn’t have a central head or decision maker; it has no central command or hierarchies. We are the network, all of us who resist.” Marcos explained the reasoning, “The indigenous communities have taught us that to resolve a problem, no matter how great it may be, it is always good to consult all of the people we are. That is why we propose that this declaration be distributed around the world and that consultation be carried out, at least in all the countries in attendance, on the following question:
The feelings of solidarity one felt with the struggling Zapatista revolutionaries is hard to express – the respect of those fighting in this struggle was enormous. We were told by the Zapatista’s that this was the most peaceful week they had experienced in a long time. A week in which the military did not come in and arrest, hassle, rape or threaten anyone. The Maya attributed it to the international presence and the Mexican government not desiring more bad human rights publicity.